The term ‘Dalit’ is believed to have been first popularized by Indian social reformer Jyotirao Phule in 1880. Later, both Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi also used this term. Today, all castes and communities experiencing untouchability and oppression are collectively referred to as ‘Dalit’. However, caste discrimination and untouchability have existed in South Asian feudal societies for several thousand years, long before the term was created. It is likely that the Dalit condition began when nomadic Aryans, arriving in the Indus Valley around five thousand years ago, defeated Dravidian and Austric communities in war and enslaved them. Around 2,600 years ago, the first great person to courageously attempt to end the Dalit problem was Gautam Buddha.
Demographics and Socioeconomic Status
According to the 2021 census, Dalits constitute approximately 14.2% of Nepal’s total population, which is about two percent higher than the Brahmin population. Multidimensional poverty is a major issue for Dalits. The Nepal Living Standards Survey 2009 reported that 25.2% of the population lived below the poverty line. Approximately fifteen years later, the 2022 survey showed that national poverty had fallen to 20.3%. Despite this improvement, Dalit poverty remains double the national average, with an overall rate of 41%. Among hill Dalits, 42.4% live below the absolute poverty line, and 40.2% of Madhesi Dalits face the same.
In education, Dalits are also significantly behind. The 2008 census reported Nepal’s average literacy rate at 65%, while Dalits were only 43% literate. Among SLC (now SEE) graduates, only 1.6% were Dalit, and among bachelor’s degree holders, only 0.8% were Dalit. Although dependence on land is gradually decreasing, Nepali society still remains largely land-centric. Land continues to be a main source of power, prestige, and wealth, yet Dalits largely lack land. Among Madhesi Dalits, 37% have no farmland, and among Musahars, 79% do not even have land to build a house. In the hills, 97% of Haliya Dalits are landless, and 89% of them do not own land. Among Madhesi Harwacha Dalits, 74% are Dalits, with landlessness being the main problem. Of these, 88% live in temporary hut-style houses, and only 29% own the land they occupy.
Constitutional Rights and Political Representation
The Constitution of Nepal guarantees Dalits the right to participate in all state bodies based on proportional inclusive principles, meaning their representation in the executive, judiciary, and legislature should reflect their population share. However, actual representation is far below expectations. In the federal cabinet, despite Dalits comprising 14% of the population, no Dalit ministers have been included, while Brahmins, who make up 12% of the population, hold 40% of ministerial posts. Similarly, in the Supreme Court, which has 20 members, there is no Dalit representation, while Brahmins, with 2% less population than Dalits, hold 14 seats, accounting for 70% of the total.
In the Federal Parliament, proportional representation has slightly increased Dalit presence. Among 275 members of the House of Representatives, 19 (6.9%) are Dalits. In the National Assembly of 59 members, 8 (13.55%) are Dalits. Overall, out of 334 federal parliamentarians, 27 are Dalit, constituting 8%, which is an improvement from the past. At the local level, due to constitutional provisions, Dalit representation has also increased. In the 2021 local elections, out of 293 municipalities, 3 Dalit mayors and 9 Dalit deputy mayors were elected. Among 460 rural municipalities, 6 Dalit chairpersons and 7 deputy chairpersons were elected. Across all municipalities and rural municipalities, out of 6,743 wards, 148 Dalit ward chairs were elected.
Every ward is required by law to have one Dalit woman member, resulting in 6,620 Dalit women members being automatically elected nationwide. However, in 123 wards, no Dalit women candidates were available, leaving those wards without representation. Additionally, out of 13,486 total ward members, 878 Dalits were directly elected. Combining all positions, Dalits hold 7,603 out of 25,041 local-level positions, amounting to 30.6%, which exceeds their population share. Despite this, Dalit representation in leadership positions remains unsatisfactory, far below what the constitution mandates. Structural reforms are the first essential step to overcome this critical situation.
Retrospective of the Dalit Movement in Nepal
Nepal’s democratic movement began in 1910, and the communist movement started in 2006. Most political movements in Nepal did not address caste-based feudalism, focusing instead on non-caste-based models of feudalism observed in Europe, China, and Russia, which was a serious oversight. After the 2006 People’s Movement, decades of social and economic consciousness allowed for envisioning a Dalit-friendly, discrimination-free, progressive Nepal under republicanism, federalism, secularism, inclusivity, and proportionality. Constitutionally and politically, the country has become free from caste-based untouchability. Laws exist to regulate this, and a constitutional National Dalit Commission ensures effective monitoring.
Nepali Dalit movements can be traced through three main phases. From 1997 to 1990 AD, movements focused on anti-untouchability and anti-discrimination. From 1990 to 2015 AD, the focus shifted to political participation and reservation. From 2015 onwards (BS 2072–present), movements have emphasized proportional political participation. The 2015 Constitution institutionalised these achievements, making Dalit issues a central political concern. Nationwide, Dalits have ended the culture of silence, organized themselves, produced thousands of political leaders, and non-Dalits have increasingly supported Dalit causes. Internationally, Dalit issues are recognized positively as a matter of human rights and social justice.
Nature of Nepali Society and Dalit Problems
The Dalit problem in Nepal is not about caste, religion, color, or geography, it is rooted in feudal remnants, labor exploitation, and caste discrimination. This multidimensional problem encompasses class, caste, and untouchability systems, which must be addressed through political, economic, and social reforms.
First Prerequisite: Transformation of the Political Sphere
Fundamental changes to Nepal’s governance and electoral systems are essential. Prosperity will not come automatically. The dominance of comprador-capitalist classes must end, and political representation must include all classes, castes, genders, communities, and regions. Current electoral systems prevent Dalits from entering national mainstream politics. Electoral reforms should focus on proportional representation at all levels, with political parties, administration, and parliamentary systems fully inclusive. Political leaders must develop transformational development vision, and bureaucracy must adopt modern thinking and accountability.
Second Prerequisite: Transformation of the Economic Sphere
Discrimination across class, caste, region, and gender must be eliminated, and marginalized communities such as Dalits must be integrated into the national mainstream. Dalits’ primary economic issues include landlessness, unemployment, and exploitative practices. Fair distribution of resources, impartial justice, and equal political and constitutional rights must be ensured. The economy should follow stages of socialist-oriented development, moving from initial socialism to mixed socialism and then a fully socialist economy, with communities playing decisive roles in development.
Despite decreasing dependence on land, Nepal remains land-centric, and Dalits remain largely landless. Among Madhesi Dalits, 37% have no farmland, 79% of Musahars have no land to build houses, and 97% of hill Haliya Dalits are landless, with 89% having no land. Among Madhesi Harwacha Dalits, 74% are Dalits; their main problem is landlessness. 88% live in temporary huts without ownership, and only 29% own the land they occupy.
Third Prerequisite: Transformation of the Social Sphere
Caste-based untouchability in the 21st century mockingly undermines human dignity. Dalit problems, rooted in education deficits, impunity, and caste discrimination, must be fully addressed. In the first phase of socialism, caste and untouchability practices must be completely eradicated. The history of South Asian societies is one of caste-based discrimination and hierarchy. Nepali Dalits are deprived of production means and are exploited through labor division. The Dalit problem in Nepal is integrated, involving political exclusion, economic oppression, social discrimination, and cultural non-inclusion. Addressing Dalits’ political, economic, and social domains simultaneously through Nepal-specific socialist programs is the only viable solution.
(Author is a human rights activist)